No Woman, No Revolution, Part 6c
Progressive
Women?
In relation to the previous text we asked: Is the Progressive Women’s Movement (PWM) supposed to be
a subsidiary of the ANC Women’s League, and therefore a junior partner of the
ANC? Or is the PWM a wider movement, open to all women, of which the ANCWL is
only one part among many? To what extent have the problems and tensions of the
FEDSAW period in the 1950s been solved? Or, have those problems not been
solved?
The linked download is one
document compiled of three documents. They are the PWM Base Document, the PWM
Founding Document, and the PWM Declaration of 8 August 2006, from the founding
gathering in Mangaung. All three documents were previously downloaded by the CU
from a PWM page at the
ANCWL web site, where the PWM logo, rather similar to that of the ANCWL, was
displayed.
There was, in 2011, a separate
PWM web site, at http://pwmsa.org/. On this new PWM web site,
it said, among other things:
“The
Progressive Women's Movement of South Africa (PWMSA) is a Not-forProfit
Organisation registration number 051-728-NPO, launched in Bloemfontein on the
8th August 2006 to coincide with the 50th Anniversary of the 1956 march of 20
000 South African Women to the Union Buildings to protest against apartheid.
“After
extensive discussions, as the ANCWL and Alliance partners we have agreed that a
Women's Movement is a broad front of women's organisations, grassroots
organisations of all kinds, feminist oriented groups, researchers, faith based
organisations, traditional healers, women involved in policy formulation and
programmes.
“The Movement
was launched to create a broad front for development for the women of South
Africa - one that would enable women to speak with one voice to address their
concerns using a single platform of action irrespective of race, class,
religion, political and social standing.
“To date,
membership of the movement comprises more than thirty-five national
organisations and institutions that represent civil society, labour,
faith-based, political parties, business, arts and culture and professional
bodies, non-governmental organisations, political parties, professional bodies
and faith based organisations.”
A search of the new site did not reveal the list of the “more than
thirty-five national organisations”. Perhaps this vital information will be
coming later.
In a previous edition of this course “No Woman, No Revolution”, which
has been run a number of times by the Communist University since 2006, we noted
that on Thursday, 20 August 2009, the
Progressive Women’s Movement’s third-anniversary banquet was featured on the
SABC glamour-and-fashion programme, Top Billing. It
was a high-society occasion. The President of the Republic was a guest. Our picture is of President Jacob Zuma being
interviewed by Top Billing during that PWM banquet. We noted that it was
not clear who was the leader of the PWM on that occasion.
Now, on the new web site, the
names of the Working Committee are given, and a physical address is given at 77
Fox Street, Johannesburg, with other contact
details.
The working committee members
in 2011 were: Ms. Baleka Mbete (National
Convener; Former Deputy President); Ms. Aziwe Magida; Ms. Gertrude Mtshweni; Dr.
Gwen Ramokgopa (Deputy Minister, DoH); Ms. Lulama Nare; Ms. Maria Ntuli (Deputy
Minister, DSD); Ms. Sylvia Stephens-Maziya; Ms. Zukiswa Ncitha.
“The ANC and the
ANC WL… have held a view that there is a need for some kind of an organic
structure that will take up broader issues of women in the South African
Society.
“In October 2005
during one of its meetings the National Executive Committee of the Women's
League decided it would be ideal if South African women to formalize a
Progressive Women's Movement in 2006.
“After extensive
discussions, as the ANCWL and Alliance partners we have agreed that a Women's
Movement is a broad front of women's organisations, grassroots organisations of
all kinds, feminist oriented groups, researchers, faith based organisations, traditional
healers, women involved in policy formulation and programmes.
“Character of
the PWM: Organic - not a formal structure.
“Objectives:
Unite the women of South Africa in diversity; strengthen the
relationship between the government and women's organisations.”
The Base Document therefore confirms that the PWM is an ANC initiative,
that it is a combination of women’s organisations, not individuals, that it
shall be “organic” and “not a formal structure”, and that it its purpose is to
bind the women to the government.
“Regular membership
of the movement shall be open to any progressive South African women's
organisation and formations that work with women that share the values and
principles of the PWMSA.
“National Steering Committee, Selection and
Tenure: National Conference shall identify sectors for
representation to the steering committee. After the Conference of the PWMSA the
previous committee in conjunction with the newly seconded members will convene
a handing over meeting within a period of a month.”
[Steering Committee members
are “identified” and “seconded”. This formula is repeated at Provincial level.
The word “elect”, or “election”, is never used. Terms are five years (National)
and three years (Provincial).]
“Powers and
Duties of the National Steering Committee: The Steering Committee shall
elect a Convenor and assign portfolios and responsibilities to
the members of the Steering Committee; They shall carry out and monitor the
decisions of the National Conference; They shall coordinate the establishment
of Provincial Steering Committees”
“Committees:
There shall be such other Committee(s) and ad hoc committees, as the Steering
Committee may from time to time deem necessary; Each Committee shall have
a Coordinator.
“At any National Conference the only
business that shall be discussed shall be that which has been specified in the
written request lodged by the members concerned, unless the Steering Committee
in her discretion otherwise permits.
“The Steering Committee shall have
the power to authorise expenditure on behalf of the Movement from time to time
for the purposes of furthering the objectives of the Movement in accordance
with such terms and conditions as the Member Organisation of the Steering
Committee may direct. The monies of the Movement shall be deposited and
disbursed in accordance with any Banking Resolution passed by the Steering
Committee. Each member shall, on an annual basis pay dues for every five
years.”
It appears that in order to
be “organic and not a formal structure”, the PWM was to be at least as tightly structured as a normal,
constitutionally organised democratic body. The requirement to be “not a formal
structure” is only attempted in this very formal document to the extent that although
there is a Convenor and there are Co-ordinators, there are no Presidents,
Chairpersons or Secretaries; that the basis of delegate status at conferences
is not spelled out; and that there is selection, and secondment, but there are
no elections.
Like FEDSAW in the 1950s, the
PWM is not allowed to have a mass individual membership. It only has corporate
members. Who they all are, is not yet public information.
There is a desire in some
women, and men, to flee from the mass-democratic organisational forms that are
normal to the labour movement, of the kind that were championed by other women
like the late, great Ray Alexander, for example. The desire
to shun such democratic forms of mass organisation has a basis in the
conflicted philosophy of feminism. It is related to the contradiction noted
by Alexandra Kollontai a century ago, between
bourgeois feminism, and working-class politics.